In the annals of American history, the year 1907 marked a pivotal moment as Oklahoma joined the Union, securing its status as the 46th state. Today, the state of Oklahoma comprises 77 counties, encompassing a vast land area of nearly 70,000 square miles. As of 2022, Oklahoma stands as the 20thlargest state by area and the 28th-most populous, boasting a population of approximately 3.9 million residents.
However, history reveals an intriguing hypothetical scenario that almost saw Oklahoma’s territory split into two distinct states: the State of Oklahoma, covering the western half with 33 counties, and the State of Sequoyah, spanning the eastern half with 44 counties.
As the 19th century came to a close and the 20th century dawned, the territory that now comprises Oklahoma found itself embroiled in a series of contentious debates and complex deliberations regarding its future. Conventions were convened, resolutions passed, and delegates selected, yet consensus remained an elusive goal.
At the national level, opposition emerged in Congress. Eastern representatives expressed apprehensions about Oklahoma Territory’s potential statehood, fearing a shift in power dynamics with the inclusion of western states. Southern Democratic representatives harbored concerns that the territory would be admitted to the Union with a predominant Republican following. Furthermore, there were voices asserting that the land mass was too modest to warrant statehood and its resources too limited to sustain it effectively.
It is noteworthy that until the year 1903, even the Five Tribes and other indigenous tribes residing in Indian Territory had largely resisted local and national endeavors aimed at achieving statehood, whether as a single entity or in tandem with Oklahoma Territory. The Native American populace perceived statehood as relinquishing their tribal identities and selfgoverning rights. Nevertheless, the inexorable approach of March 4, 1906, marked by the Curtis Act of 1898, which spelled the end of tribal governments, coupled with the prospect of joint statehood, compelled the tribes to reconsider their stance.
Intriguingly, the tribes rallied around the aspiration of a unified Indian Territory, coalescing on August 21, 1905, at the Sequoyah Convention held within the confines of the Hinton Theater in Muskogee, Creek Nation. Encompassing a geographical expanse roughly equivalent to the eastern half of contemporary Oklahoma, the prospective State of Sequoyah included land allotted to Native Americans through various treaties following the enactment of the Indian Removal Act of 1830.
Dr. Kim Waters, historian at Library of Congress, says that “the State of Sequoyah, proposed to Congress in 1905, was envisioned as a state boasting a significant, if not an outright majority, of Native American residents.” Geographically, it spanned from the northern border of modernday Kansas, to the eastern border of Arkansas, the southern boundary adjoining Texas, and extending westward to (just east of) the presentday Oklahoma City metropolitan area. The proposed state would have encompassed 30,000 square miles of land, and 44 counties–including all of present-day Sequoyah County.
Dr. Kelly Raine, historian at the University of Tulsa, says that culturally, “Sequoyah would have projected the ethos of the South, reflecting a predominantly southern outlook.” Yet, within its boundaries, a substantial proportion, if not a majority, of peoples of Cherokee, Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, or Seminole heritage. The demographic landscape would have been notably influenced by the presence of resident non-Native Americans and “acculturated individuals of mixed ancestry.” In line with the prevailing ethos of the South, Sequoyah might have been resistant to extending civil rights to its Black residents, potentially excluding them from full citizenship.
Raine says that while tribal governments would have held no official role within the state, they would have “functioned as potent voluntary associations of like-minded members, exerting significant political influence.” Legislators hailing from Cherokee areas, for instance, would have advocated for policies reflective of their sizable Cherokee constituents.
Over time, the unique identity of Sequoyah would likely have gradually faded, transforming it into a state akin to other conservative southern states like Arkansas or Mississippi, albeit characterized by a substantial Native American demographic.
By adopting the Sequoyah constitution, which incidentally served as a blueprint for Oklahoma’s later constitution, the Five Tribes were essentially relinquishing their individual tribal sovereignty, integrating it into the standardized structure of a U.S. state, with administrative subdivisions being counties rather than tribal nations. Dr. Waters says that this move allowed the tribes to “cede sovereignty on their terms, in contrast to terms imposed by a less sympathetic federal government.”
Raine suggests that Native Americans would have wielded significant influence in Sequoyah’s political and policy spheres, primarily due to their substantial population presence. The state would have proudly included Tulsa, with the proposed capital location possibly in the southern region, such as McAlester or even Eufaula.
Nevertheless, history unfolded as it did, and the vision of the State of Sequoyah gradually faded from the collective memory, relegated to a mere footnote in the annals of Oklahoma history. Today, Oklahoma stands as the 20th-largest state by area and the 28th-most populous, with a population of approximately 3.9 million residents.
Still, despite Sequoyah’s unrealized potential, Oklahoma still maintains its identity as “NativeAmerica”inmany aspects. The state proudly boasts the second-largest Native American population in the United States. Moreover, approximately one-quarter of the state’s White and Black populations can trace their ancestry back to Native American roots. Oklahoma is home to approximately 50 Native tribal headquarters, a distinction unparalleled by any other state in the nation.
